This thematic overview is one of three papers that form part of the outputs for the independent evaluation of the ‘What Works to end Violence against Women and Girls’ research programme. What Works is DFID’s flagship VAWG knowledge generation programme (WW-VAWG), and it is divided into three components global programme, conflict and crises, costs of violence.1This paper is intended to draw out the important lessons that have emerged across these components in relation to research design, data collection, ethical protocols, data analysis and the identification of key findings. In particular, it seeks to better understand the legacy of the first WW-VAWG programme in research terms, and to be realistic in presenting the challenges and the key lessons learnt. Appreciating the reach and significance of the research and where it leaves us is important not just for the global movement to end VAWG but also in terms of informing where the next phase of the programme needs to focus its efforts.

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This is Thematic Paper 2 in a series of papers being produced by the Evaluation Team of the DFID-funded What Works to Prevent Violence Against Women and Girls (WW-VAWG) Research and Innovation Fund as the portfolio of evaluation activities draws to a close. The WW-VAWG is a multi-year, multi-component research and evidence programme focused on identifying ways to eliminate VAWG.

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This is Thematic Paper 3 in a series of papers being produced by the Independent Evaluation (IE) Team of the DFID-funded What Works to Prevent Violence Against Women and Girls (WW-VAWG) Research and Innovation Fund, as the portfolio of evaluation activities draws to a close. The WW-VAWG is a multi-year, multi-component research and evidence programme focused on identifying ways to eliminate VAWG.

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This report outlines the medium-term impacts of Zindagii Shoista (Living with Dignity) – a project to prevent violence against women and girls (VAWG) in Tajikistan – by determining levels of violence and measuring socioeconomic and emotional wellbeing indicators 15 months after the project ended – 30 months after its commencement. At the endline of the intervention, VAWG levels had dropped by 50%, and relationship and gender equality indicators had improved. Significant positive changes were seen for all socioeconomic status indicators as well as significant positive changes for all health measures, including depression scale and suicidality.

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In order to bridge the gap between research and action, the Global Women’s Institute (GWI) has developed this new toolkit to support non-academic stakeholders to understand and interpret the data gathered through population-based research on VAWG and to create a process for moving from evidence to implementing action. The Research to Action tool provides a step-by-step process for practitioners and policymakers to better understand and utilise data generated by VAWG research activities.

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The study aimed at understanding factors that drive violence against women from men’s and women’s perceptive as part of a Community Randomized Control Trial aimed at reducing violence against women. It is based on the Ecological Model, a well-documented and greatly acclaimed theoretical model that considers the inclusion of multiple domains of risk and protective factors for IPV perpetration by men or IPV victimization in women and based on multiple theories that include power (unequal gender relations), resource, social learning amongst others. The model organizes factors into four levels of influence (individual, relationship, community and societal levels)[1]. Individual level factors include low education level, young age, low economic status/income, unemployment and harmful use of alcohol or illicit drugs among others, and relationship level factors include education disparity among couples or how couples communication. Acceptance of violence against women, weak community sanctions and lack of societal legislation are among those factors identified at community and societal levels. Annex 1 shows Theory of Change for the study.

The main objectives of the baseline study were to:

• To determine the past year prevalence of women’s experience of physical or sexual intimate partner violence
• To determine the past year prevalence of physical or sexual violence perpetration by men against their intimate partners in the communities
• To understand risk or protective factors associated with IPV perpetration among men or IPV experience among women.

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The Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) has experienced years of conflict. Millions have died or been displaced with a collapse of basic services. While the First Congo War (1996–1997) and the Second Congo War (1998–2003) are long past, conflict-related violence continues. Violence against women and girls (VAWG) is estimated to be very high. Conflict has increased all forms of VAWG, including sexual violence perpetrated by rebels, militia, soldiers, peacekeepers and civilians, as well as intimate partner violence (IPV) in the home. Congolese society is also characterised by gender inequality with widespread impunity for perpetrators of sexual violence.1

While the media often portray sexual violence as militia-related, findings of various studies, including the present one, suggest otherwise. Promundo’s International Men and Gender Equality Survey (IMAGES) found that IPV is more prevalent than non-partner sexual violence (NPSV), with 45 per cent of women in eastern DRC reporting having ever experienced physical IPV and 49 per cent reporting having ever experienced sexual IPV. Rape as part of conflict is also high, reported by 22 per cent of women.2 The 2014 Demographic and Health Survey found that 57 per cent of ever-married 15–49-year-old women reported having ever experienced any type of IPV (physical, emotional or sexual) and 16 per cent reported experiencing sexual IPV or NPSV in the past 12 months.3 Violence against women and girls in DRC is thus not only a weapon of war but is ‘used as a weapon in daily life to oppress and abuse women and girls across the whole country’.

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This study examines the unique experience of adolescent girls by exploring the types of GBV and drivers of violence within the context of South Sudan, where women and girls experience high levels of gender inequality and subordination. Data was collected under the What Works programme, and secondary analysis of this data set focusing on the experiences of violence against adolescent girls was supported by the Gender and Adolescence: Global Evidence consortium. Key findings can inform policymakers and donors as they support programs that will effectively prevent and respond to violence against adolescent girls in conflict and humanitarian settings.

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Developed with support from the US Department of State Bureau of Population, Refugees and Migration and the UK Department for International Development as part of the What Works programme, this manual aims to support researchers and members of the humanitarian community in conducting ethical and technically sound research, monitoring and/or evaluation on gender-based violence within refugee and conflict-affected populations.

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Mixed-methods evaluation of intervention to prevent violence against women in Tajikistan
Summary:
The Zindagii Shoista (Living with Dignity) project was implemented by International Alert, Cesvi and three local partners – ATO, Farodis and Zanoni Sharq – in four villages in Tajikistan with 80 families.
It aimed to reduce violence against women and girls (VAWG) through a combination of gender norm, behavioural change and income-generating activities (IGA) over a period of 15 months.
https://www.international-alert.org/publications/zindagii-shoista-living-dignity-evaluation

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Violence against women and girls (VAWG) is a widely recognised human rights violation with serious consequences for the health and well-being of women, with ramifications for households, businesses, communities and society overall. Even though violence against women is widely accepted as a fundamental human right and public health issue, its wider impact on development is being recognised only recently. There are only few studies that estimate the costs of VAWG.

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It is well established that violence against women and girls (VAWG) is a human rights violation and public health issue. Worldwide, one in three women report experiencing some form of physical and/or sexual violence, predominantly perpetrated by a partner or ex-partner, over their lifetime (WHO 2013). More recently, there is a growing recognition of the wider economic and social costs of VAWG for individuals, the community, businesses, society and the economy.

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Violence against women and girls (VAWG) is a widely recognised human rights violation with serious consequences for the health and well-being of women and their families. However, the wider ramifications of violence against women for businesses, communities, economies and societies are only recently being recognised. Despite this recognition, there are few studies exploring how economic and social impacts of VAWG affect economic growth, development and social stability. In this paper, applying the social accounting approach, we outline the ripple effects of VAWG from the individual micro-level impacts to the macroeconomy.

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Violence against women and girls (VAWG) is widely recognised as a violation of human rights and a challenge to public health. VAWG also has economic and social costs that have not been adequately recognised. These costs not only impact individual women and their families but ripple through society and the economy at large. The threat VAWG poses to the social fabric of the country and its impacts on economic development have not been adequately investigated, analysed or quantified in Pakistan.

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Changes Over Time in Women’s Experiences of Violence & Wellbeing

Cash and voucher assistance (CVA) has quickly become one of most widely used modalities of aid in humanitarian crises. In humanitarian contexts, cash assistance has been shown to have significant positive impacts on food security and basic needs for households, helping them to withstand conflict-related economic shocks and market fluctuations, and reducing their reliance on negative coping.

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Humanitarian cash transfer programming has become one of the most widely used modalities of aid in humanitarian crises. This International Rescue Committee (IRC) study is among the first to explore the potential impact that cash transfer programming may have on violence against women and girls (VAWG) in acute settings. In conflict and emergency settings, women and girls are vulnerable to increased violence, exploitation, and harm to their physical and mental health.

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This report summarises the key findings of the What Works to Prevent Violence: Economic and Social Costs project relating to Pakistan. It provides an overview of the social and economic costs of violence against women and girls (VAWG) to individuals and households, businesses and communities, and the national economy and society. Findings show the heavy drag that VAWG imposes on economic productivity and wellbeing, and the need to invest urgently in scaling up efforts to prevent violence.

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This report provides a summary of the key ndings of the What Works to Prevent Violence: Economic and Social Costs project from Ghana. It also provides an overview of the costs of violence against women and girls (VAWG) to individuals, households, businesses and the economy. Findings show the heavy drag that VAWG imposes on wellbeing and economic productivity, and the need to invest urgently in scaling up efforts to prevent violence.

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Violence against women and girls (VAWG) is one of the most widespread human rights violations. VAWG is a signi cant social, economic and public health problem. Globally, 35% of women have experienced physical/sexual IPV or non-partner sexual violence in their lives. We know that this violence has implications for women’s health and wellbeing; however, we have less understanding about the impacts of VAWG on communities, businesses, and the national economy. While it has been estimated that violence against women and girls costs the global economy about US$8t, there are few studies, particularly of developing countries, that outline the national-level economic costs of such violence. Similarly, few studies explicitly analyse the social costs of VAWG.

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